By Bernard
Condon
He was an
architect of one of the biggest tax cuts in U.S. history. He spent much of his
career after politics using borrowed money to take over companies. He targeted
the riskiest ones that most investors shunned — car-parts makers, textile
mills.
That is one
image of David Stockman, the former White House budget director under Ronald
Reagan who, after resigning in protest over deficit spending, made a fortune in
corporate buyouts.
But spend time
with him and you discover this former wunderkind of the Reagan revolution is
many other things now — an advocate for higher taxes, a critic of the work that
made him rich and a scared investor who doesn't own a single stock for fear of
another financial crisis.
Stockman
suggests you'd be a fool to hold anything but cash now, and maybe a few bars of
gold. He thinks the Federal Reserve's efforts to ease the pain from the
collapse of our "national leveraged buyout" — his term for decades of
reckless, debt-fueled spending by government, families and companies — is
pumping stock and bond markets to dangerous heights.
Known for his grasp of budgetary minutiae, first as a Michigan congressman and then as Reagan's budget director, Stockman still dazzles with his command of numbers. Ask him about jobs, and he'll spit out government estimates for non-farm payrolls down to the tenth of a decimal point. Prod him again and, as from a grim pinata, more figures spill out: personal consumption expenditures, credit market debt and the clunky sounding but all-important non-residential fixed investment.
Stockman may
seem as exciting as an insurance actuary, but he knows how to tell a good
story. And the punch line to this one is gripping. He says the numbers for the
U.S. don't add up to anything but a painful, slow-growing future.
Now 65 and
gray, but still wearing his trademark owlish glasses, Stockman took time from
writing his book about the financial collapse, The Triumph of Crony Capitalism,
to talk to The Associated Press at his book-lined home in Greenwich, Conn.
Within reach
was Dickens' Hard Times— two copies.
Below are
excerpts, edited for clarity.
Q: Why are you so down on the U.S. economy?
A: It’s
become super-saturated with debt.
Typically the private and public sectors would borrow
$1.50 or $1.60 each year for every $1 of GDP growth. That was the
golden constant. It had been at that ratio for 100 years save for some minor
squiggles during the bottom of the Depression. By the time we got to the
mid-’90s, we were borrowing $3 for every $1 of GDP growth. And by the time we
got to the peak in 2006 or 2007, we were actually taking on $6 of new debt to
grind out $1 of new GDP.
People were taking $25,000, $50,000 out of their home
for the fourth refinancing. That’s what was keeping the economy going, creating
jobs in restaurants, creating jobs in retail, creating jobs as gardeners,
creating jobs as Pilates instructors that were not supportable with organic
earnings and income.
It wasn’t sustainable. It wasn’t real consumption or
real income. It was bubble economics.
So even the 1.6% (annual GDP growth in the past
decade) is overstating what’s really going on in our economy.
Q: How fast can the U.S. economy grow?
A: People
would say the standard is 3, 3.5%. I don’t even know if we could grow at 1 or
2%. When you have to stop borrowing at these tremendous rates, the rate of GDP
expansion stops as well.
Q: But the unemployment rate is falling and companies
in the Standard & Poor’s 500 are making more money than ever.
A: That’s
very short-term. Look at the data that really counts. The 131.7 million (jobs
in November) was first achieved in February 2000. That number has gone nowhere
for 12 years.
Another measure is the rate of investment in new plant
and equipment. There is no sustained net investment in our economy. The rate of
growth since 2000 (in what the Commerce Department calls
non-residential fixed investment) has been 0.8% — hardly measurable.
(Non-residential fixed investment is the money put
into office buildings, factories, software and other equipment.)
We’re stalled, stuck.
Q: What will 10-year Treasurys yield in a year or five
years?
A: I have no
guess, but I do know where it is now (a yield of about 2%) is totally
artificial. It’s the result of massive purchases by not only the Fed but all of
the other central banks of the world.
Q: What’s wrong with that?
A: It doesn’t
come out of savings. It’s made up money. It’s printing press money. When the
Fed buys $5 billion worth of bonds this morning, which it’s doing periodically,
it simply deposits $5 billion in the bank accounts of the eight dealers they
buy the bonds from.
Q: And what are the consequences of that?
A: The
consequences are horrendous. If you could make the world rich by having all the
central banks print unlimited money, then we have been making a mistake for the
last several thousand years of human history.
Q: How does it end?
A: At some
point confidence is lost, and people don’t want to own the (Treasury) paper. I
mean why in the world, when the inflation rate has been 2.5% for the last 15 years,
would you want to own a five-year note today at 80 basis points (0.8%)?
If the central banks ever stop buying, or actually
begin to reduce their totally bloated, abnormal, freakishly large balance
sheets, all of these speculators are going to sell their bonds in a heartbeat.
That’s what happened in Greece.
Here’s the heart of the matter. The Fed is a patsy. It
is a pathetic dependent of the big Wall Street banks, traders and
hedge funds. Everything (it does) is designed to keep this rickety structure from
unwinding. If you had a (former Fed Chairman) Paul Volcker running the Fed
today — utterly fearless and independent and willing to scare the hell out of
the market any day of the week — you wouldn’t have half, you wouldn’t have 95%,
of the speculative positions today.
Q: You sound as if we’re facing a financial crisis
like the one that followed the collapse of Lehman Bros. in 2008.
A: Oh, far
worse than Lehman. When the real margin call in the great beyond arrives, the
carnage will be unimaginable.
Q: How do investors protect themselves? What about the
stock market?
A: I wouldn’t
touch the stock market with a 100-foot pole. It’s a dangerous place. It’s not
safe for men, women or children.
Q: Do you own any shares?
A: No.
Q: But the stock market is trading cheap by some
measures. It’s valued at 12.5 times expected earnings this year. The typical
multiple is 15 times.
A: The
typical multiple is based on a historic period when the economy could grow at a
standard rate. The idea that you can capitalize this market at a rate that was
safe to capitalize it in 1990 or 1970 or 1955 is a large mistake. It’s a Wall
Street sales pitch.
Q: Are you in short-term Treasurys?
A: I’m just
in short-term, yeah. Call it cash. I have some gold. I’m not going to take any
risk.
Q: Municipal bonds?
A: No.
Q: No munis, no stocks. Wow. You’re not making any
money.
A: Capital preservation is what your first, second and
third priority ought to be in a system that is so jerry-built, so fragile, so
exposed to major breakdown that it’s not worth what you think you might be able
to earn over six months or two years or three years if they can keep the
bailing wire and bubble gum holding the system together, OK? It’s not worth it.
Q: Give me your prescription to fix the economy.
A: We have to eat our broccoli for a good period of
time. And that means our taxes are going to go up on everybody, not just the
rich. It means that we have to stop subsidizing debt by getting a sane set of
people back in charge of the Fed, getting interest rates back to some kind of
level that reflects the risk of holding debt over time. I think the federal
funds rate ought to be 3% or 4%. (It is zero to 0.25%.) I mean, that’s normal
in an economy with inflation at 2% or 3%.
Q: Social Security?
A: It has to
be means-tested. And Medicare needs to be means-tested. If you’re a more
affluent retiree, you should have your benefits cut back, pay a higher premium
for Medicare.
Q: Taxes?
A: Let the
Bush tax cuts expire. Let the capital gains go back to the same rate as
ordinary income. (Capital gains are taxed at 15%, while ordinary income is
taxed at marginal rates up to 35%.)
Q: Why?
A: Why not? I
mean, is return on capital any more virtuous than some guy who’s driving a bus
all day and working hard and trying to support his family? You know, with
capital gains, they give you this mythology. You’re going to encourage a bunch
of more jobs to appear. No, most of capital gains goes to speculators in real
estate and other assets who basically lever up companies, lever up buildings,
use the current income to pay the interest and after a holding period then sell
the residual, the equity, and get it taxed at 15%. What’s so brilliant about
that?
Q: You worked for Blackstone, a financial services
firm that focuses on leveraged buyouts and whose gains are taxed at 15 percent,
then started your own buyout fund. Now you’re saying there’s too much debt. You
were part of that debt explosion, weren’t you?
A: Well,
yeah, and maybe you can learn something from what happens over time. I was
against the debt explosion in the Reagan era. I tried to fight the deficit, but
I couldn’t. When I was in the private sector, I was in the leveraged buyout
business. I finally learned a heck of a lot about the dangers of debt.
I’m a libertarian. If someone wants to do leveraged
buyouts, more power to them. If they want to have a brothel, let them run a
brothel. But it doesn’t mean that public policy ought to be biased dramatically
to encourage one kind of business arrangement over another. And right now
public policy and taxes and free money from the Fed are encouraging way too
much debt, way too much speculation and not enough productive real investment
and growth.
Q: Why are you writing a book? (The Triumph of
Crony Capitalism)
A: I got so outraged by the bailouts of Wall Street in September 2008. I
believed that Bush and (former Treasury Secretary Hank) Paulson were totally
trashing the Reagan legacy, whatever was left, which did at least begin to
resuscitate the idea of free markets and a free economy. And these characters
came in and panicked and basically gave capitalism a smelly name and they made
it impossible to have fiscal discipline going forward. If you’re going to bail
out Wall Street, what aren’t you going to bail out? So that started my
re-engagement, let’s say, in the policy debate.
Q: Are you hopeful?
A: No.
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