Every politically controlled educational system will inculcate the doctrine of state supremacy sooner or later. . . . Once that doctrine has been accepted, it becomes an almost superhuman task to break the stranglehold of the political power over the life of the citizen. It has had his body, property and mind in its clutches from infancy. An octopus would sooner release its prey. A tax-supported, compulsory educational system is the complete model of the totalitarian state. – Isabel Paterson, The God of the Machine (1943)
by Mark J. Perry
What would you conclude about the quality of product
or service X under the following circumstances?
1. The employees of Airline X and their families are
offered free airline tickets as an employee benefit. The employees refuse to
travel with their families on Airline X and instead pay full fare on Airline Y
when flying.
2. The employees of Automaker X are offered a company
car at a substantial discount and they instead buy a car at full price from
Automaker Y.
3. Employees at Health Clinic X and their families are
offered medical care at no additional cost as a benefit and yet most employees
of Clinic X pay out-of-pocket for medical services at Clinic Y.
In each case, the employees’ willingness to pay full price for a competitor’s product or service and forgo their employer’s product or service at a reduced price (or no cost) makes a strong statement about the low quality of X. What makes the inferior quality of X even more obvious is that the employees at Firm X, since they work in the industry, would have better information about product (service) X and product (service) Y than the average person.
What then should we conclude about the quality of
public education in the United States given the following facts? Public school
teachers send their own children to private schools at a rate more than twice
the national average – 22 percent of public educators’ children are in private
schools compared to the national average of 10 percent.
In large cities across the United States, more that a
quarter of public school teachers’ children are attending private schools – 50
percent in Milwaukee, 46 percent in Chicago, 44 percent in New Orleans, 36
percent in Memphis, and 30 percent in Baltimore and San Francisco.
In New York City, as of 1988, no member of the Board
of Education and no citywide elected official had children enrolled in a public
school.
Public school teachers are giving public education a
failing grade by their disproportionate patronization of private education when
it comes to the education of their own children. The sharp decline in SAT
scores over the last 30 years confirms that the quality of public education is
deteriorating. SAT scores (a measure of the academic ability of high school
seniors) were fairly stable between World War II and the early 1960s, averaging
about 978. Starting in the early 1960s, SAT scores steadily declined and
reached a low of 890 in 1980. Since then, SAT scores have risen slightly to the
current average of about 900. Numerous other tests of the education abilities of
high school seniors by independent groups (National Assessment of Educational
Progress, National Endowment for the Humanities, and the International
Association for the Evaluation of Education) have also shown a serious decline
in the quality of public education over the last 30 years.
Increased Costs
Accompanying the decline in the quality of public
education has been a dramatic increase in the cost of public education. Since
World War II, real spending per public school student has increased 40 percent
each decade, and has gone from about $1,000 per student in 1945 to over $5,000
per student in 1990 measured in constant dollars.
Rising teacher salaries have contributed to the
increased cost of education, rising from $12,000 to $35,000 in real dollars between
1945 and 1990, about twice the growth rate of average national incomes. And
public school teachers’ benefits have increased even faster than their
salaries. From 1975 to 1985, teacher salaries rose by 10 percent in real terms,
but real fringe benefits doubled. Benefits now contribute an additional 25
percent to teachers’ average after-tax income. The increases in teachers’
salaries and fringe benefits have largely coincided with the increased
unionization of teachers, 90 percent of whom are now in teacher unions.
Teachers’ salaries are not the real problem, though.
The largest contribution to the increased costs of public education has come
from the growth in the administrative sector of public schools. Administrative
employment has grown far faster than instructional employment and has
significantly increased educational expenditures to finance an expanding
administrative bureaucracy. For example, between 1960 and 1984, the number of
nonclassroom personnel grew almost 600 percent, nearly ten times the growth
rate of classroom teachers. The number of nonteaching, administrative employees
(46 percent of total) is now almost equal to the number of classroom teachers
(54 percent of total) and continues to grow.
Consider the following cases of bloated public school
administration. The Chicago Board of Education, which has 3,300 employees, is
larger than the entire Japanese Ministry of Education. The New York City public
schools system has 250 timesas many administrators as the New York Catholic
school system (6,000 administrators in public school system versus 24 in
Catholic school system), even though New York public schools have only four
times as many students as the Catholic schools.
Administrative costs have exploded since World War II
as the number of school districts has declined, from over 100,000 districts in
1945 to fewer than 16,000 in 1980. As school districts have consolidated and
grown in size, they have become increasingly bloated–more top-heavy, more
bureaucratic, more centralized, less efficient–and more costly to administer.
American public schools are failing miserably. They
suffer from the same underlying structural flaws that make all socialist
programs eventually fail–protection from competition and insulation from
failure. Socialism is a defective theory, and any system based on socialist
principles will fail, whether it is an entire economy or a single program.
Socialism failed in East Germany and the Soviet Union and it is failing in the
American public education.
Since public schools have (1) an effective monopoly on
education and (2) the government as their source of funding, public education
is insulated from competitive market forces. Undisciplined by profit and loss
accounting, public schools have no incentive either to operate efficiently or
to cater to their customers. In contrast to private firms which are forced to
serve the needs of their customers or go out of business, public schools can
ignore their customers because they are protected from failing by the deep
pockets of the American taxpayers.
In fact, operating efficiently and cutting costs
undermine and sabotage the agenda of the entrenched public education
bureaucracy, because operating efficiently will lead to a reduced budget.
Perverse incentives are in place to guarantee failure–the worse public education
is, the more money and resources will be budgeted to try to solve the education
“problem.” Given the political framework, it makes sense for the educational
establishment to deliver an inferior educational product as a way to attract
increasingly larger budgets. In contrast to the private sector where resources
are constantly being directed towards the most efficient and profitable
enterprises, the public sector diverts resources towards the least effective,
most inefficient programs.
In regard to public education, we have seen
collectivism in action–a failing, inefficient bureaucracy getting more and more
resources–more money, higher salaries, more benefits, more employment. And as
public schools become increasingly bureaucratic and politically oriented, they
become more and more responsive to the political process and engage in
rent-seeking activities to protect their monopoly status. Because the main
sources of educational funding are state and federal governments, political
constituencies–politicians, teachers’ unions, political parties, and
lobbyists–become more important to educators than parents and students. The
attention and focus of education is directed away from local concerns towards
the political process at the state and federal level.
In addition to the monetary expense of public
education, we need also to account for the role that public education has
played in the costly erosion of our personal freedom and the costly expansion
of Big Government during this century. In the same way that political
disincentives discourage educational efficiency, public school educators also
have strong disincentives to teach students to think clearly, logically, and
independently about economic and political issues. Clear economic thinking and
an appreciation of private enterprise would be counterproductive to an agenda
of increased funding of public education. If students and parents developed
clear, independent thinking as part of public education, they would become
increasingly intolerant of inefficient state-run bureaucracies like public
schools. They might even demand an end to the public education monopoly.
The diversion of public funds toward an expanding
public sector is made much easier if students are subtly influenced from an
early age to be tolerant of government solutions and programs. Government
schools therefore have flourished and expanded, along with a general expansion
of government at all levels, largely because public schools have failed to
educate students on the proper role of limited government as set forth in the
U.S. Constitution. Since the early part of this century, the size of the
federal government has gradually increased, and is now at a historically
unprecedented level. From the birth of the nation in 1776 until the early
1930s, government spending at the federal level never exceeded 3 percent of
national income except during periods of war. Since the 1930s, spending by the
federal government has steadily increased and has now reached 30 percent of
national income. State and local government spending has also increased, from 7
percent of national income in 1930 to 12 percent in the 1990s. When we take
into account the further burden of complying with government regulations and
time spent filing tax forms (5.4 billion man hours), the total cost of
government to society is more than 50 percent of national income. The average
American now works from January 1 until July 10 every year to pay for the total
cost of government.
The failure of public schools to educate students
effectively has contributed to the increasing role of government over the last
60 years. The expansion of the public sector and the “stranglehold of the
political power over the life of the citizen” has largely coincided with the
increased bureaucratization, politicization, and unionization of public
education. It may have been impossible for government to expand so rapidly over
the last 60 years without a public education system to subtly desensitize
students to the growth of the state and the erosion of personal freedom.
As Leonard Read of The Foundation for Economic
Education pointed out years ago, people will never give up their freedoms all
at once. However, they will be rather indifferent about losing their freedom
gradually over time, as we have seen happen in this century. To explain this
phenomenon, Read used the analogy of boiling a frog in a kettle of water. If
you boil the water first and try to throw the frog in the kettle, it will
immediately jump out as soon as it lands on the water. However, if you put the
frog in a kettle of cold water and heat the water up slowly, the frog will
slowly cook to death before it realizes what is happening.
Likewise, the growth of the welfare state and the
erosion of freedom have happened so gradually over the last 60 years that most
people have not even realized that it has happened. As a society, we would
never have allowed federal government spending to expand from 3 percent to 30
percent of national income in one year, but we have tolerated that expansion of
government over a 60-year period. Part of the reason we allowed this to happen
is that we became immune in public schools to the gradual loss of freedom and
accompanying growth in the government. The doctrine of state supremacy is
subtly woven into the inculcation of students by statist, unionized, civil
servant teachers who have incentives to perpetuate and expand the role of the
state and public education.
We need to break the “stranglehold of political power”
over our educational system by introducing parental choice, competition, and
market solutions in education. Contrary to public opinion, education was
largely supplied by the private sector from the 1700s until the first few
decades of the 1900s. Schools were small, local, and private, and were forced
by competition to be responsive to students and parents.
The private sector would deliver world-class,
first-rate, superior education in America once the stranglehold of the
“educational octopus” is broken. Innovation and experimentation in education
would be encouraged in a competitive educational marketplace. Parents would
have the same diverse choice in the educational marketplace that they now have
when arranging for music lessons, karate instruction, or swimming lessons. In a
competitive educational environment, private schools and public schools would
be forced to serve the public interest or they would go out of business.
Consumer sovereignty would reign once again in the educational marketplace.
Costs would decline and quality would improve.
Through education and training we develop skills and
abilities to improve our human capital, which is our investment in the future.
The productive capacity and standard of living of a country depends on the
quality of human capital available. Therefore, there is no more important responsibility
than the education of our children since this is our investment in the most
important resource of all–human capital.
There is no surer way to guarantee that our children
continue to receive an inferior education than to continue educating 90 percent
of our children in the public school system. Education is far too important a
responsibility to leave in the hands of a government bureaucracy whose monopoly
status allows it to be insensitive and unaccountable to parents and students.
Public education is a bad investment in human capital.
We need to break the stranglehold of the “educational octopus” before it is too
late.
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