By Jonathan H. Adler
Fisheries continue to be among
the best examples of the tragedy of the commons in action. As Garrett
Hardin himself noted in his 1968 essay, "the oceans of the world continue
to suffer" from the dynamic of the commons. Alas, little has changed.
Ocean fisheries remain in trouble, as study after study reveals. Most fisheries
around the globe are fully or over-exploited, and a substantial number have
already faced collapse. The problem with fisheries management runs deep.
It would be nice to think this is a problem confined to poor or developing countries, but it's not. Dozens of fish stocks in the United States remain overfished, despite herculean efforts to impose meaningful fishery regulations, from total catch limits to restrictions on fishing gear other inputs. Such measures try to limit access, but they do not alter the fundamental incentives of the commons. Each participant in the fishery retains every incentive to get what he or she can, even at the expense of the whole. In many fisheries, we see this manifested in a destructive and wasteful "race to catch," as each boat tries to get what it can before the fishery reaches its catch limit and closes. The resulting practices may make for good reality television, but they don't foster sound ecological stewardship. Traditional regulatory strategies do little to encourage concern among resource users for the long-term health of the resource and pit resource users against conservation interests.
It does not have to be this way. Even before Hardin wrote his essay fishery economists had diagnosed the problem and explained how property rights in fisheries could solve the problem. Specifically by recognizing property rights in a percentage of the catch for a given species (or, in some cases, by recognizing rights in fishing territories), the "race to catch" could be eliminated and fishing crews could be given an incentive to husband the resource. The creation of property rights in the underlying resource aligns the incentives of those who work in the fishery with the health of the fishery. As owners of a share in the catch year-after-year, the fishers have a stake in ensuring there are more fish tomorrow than there are today.
The benefits of such a system
are not merely theoretical. They have now been confirmed through extensive
empirical research. A recent study inScience that looked at over
11,000 fisheries over a fifty year period found clear evidence that the
adoption of property-based management regimes, often called "catch
shares" or ITQs, prevents fishery collapse. (More here.) This is only the latest
piece of evidence supporting the use of property
institutions for fishery conservation. As Hardin predicted, the institution of
property rights averts the tragedy of the commons.
There are many reasons for
this. The creation of property rights in an ecological resource not only
creates incentives for greater resource stewardship, to conserve the underlying
value of the resource today and into the future. It also gives those who rely
upon the resource a stake in the broader set of institutions that govern the
resource.
Under traditional fishery
management, those who fish and those who regulate are typically at odds.
Fishermen lobby for less restrictive catch limits so they may catch more today,
out of fear the fishery may be more constrained tomorrow. Interestingly enough,
the creation of property rights in the fishery catch encourages fishermen to
take the opposite tack. More precautionary catch limits actually enhance the
value of their catch shares, so they seek more protective policies. In some
cases, as has been observed in New Zealand, fishery share owners themselves
effectively take over the management of the stock, enforcing catch shares and
limits, policing restrictions on by-catch, and funding the research necessary
to ensure the fishery maintains its maximum sustainable yield over time.
The move toward property
rights appears to have had positive social benefits as well. Consider the
experience of the popular reality show "The Deadliest Catch," which chronicles the
efforts of several boats in the Alaskan King Crab fishery in the Bering Sea.
The title for the show derives from the fact that Alaskan king crab fishing is
one of the deadliest jobs around - or at least it used to be.
After the first season, catch
shares were adopted in the Alaskan king crab fishery, eliminating the
race-to-fish that had made for such dramatic television, but a poorly run
fishery. Among other things, this caused a significant increase in the safety
of the fishery. As vessels no longer had to race to fish, there was now less of
an incentive to cut corners and risk life and limb. They've also encouraged the
boats to pay more attention to the ecological conditions of the waters in which
they operate. As one of the captains explained in WSJ op-ed:
Now we have a stake in
protecting crab populations for the future. Because we aren't in such a race
against the clock, we're able to get more young and female crabs we don't keep
back into the ocean unharmed. When we find an area has too many juvenile crabs,
there's time to go somewhere else instead.
What made for better
ecological management may not have made for good TV. After the second season
the producers looked for new ways to up the excitement level in the absence of
a race to catch. But it was good for those who work in the fishery, and
certainly good for sustainability.
The recognition of property
rights in marine resources can also make it easier to adopt additional
conservation measures. For instance, the adoption of catch-shares can reduce
the incremental burden from the imposition of by-catch limits or the creation
of marine reserves (though there are property-based ways to pursue these goals
as well). A shift to catch-shares would have fiscal benefits as well.
The most prominent objections
to property-based fishery management are not ecological, but social and
economic. Some fear the distributional consequences of recognizing transferable
rights in a fishery or worry about the possible effect on local communities,
particularly if fishery shares are bought out by larger companies. Such
concerns are legitimate, but are best addressed directly. They should not be an
excuse for leaving unsustainable fishery management regimes in place.
The theoretical and
empirical case for property-based fishery management has been made. If we care
about the health of marine resources, there is no reason not to move in this
direction. Whether or not property rights in ecological resources are the
solution to every environmental problem, they are in the case of fisheries.
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