By James K. Glassman
Judging from conversations I had in Europe a few weeks
ago with journalists, academics, and policymakers (including at least one
foreign minister), I’d say there’s growing worry about two countries being used
in the same breath: Argentina and Greece.
These
Europeans are deeply concerned that Greece – not to mention Spain and Italy —
will follow Argentina’s example in renouncing debts, flouting international
norms, and getting rewarded for its irresponsibility.
Argentina
holds the record for the largest sovereign debt default in history. In 2001,
the nation presented creditors with “a take-it-or-leave-it offer of 35 cents on
the dollar,” as The Economist magazine put it, on about $80
billion in loans. Creditors “considered this derisory: previously, delinquent
countries had typically paid 50-60 cents.”
Still,
Argentine lenders had no choice, and many foreigners accepted. Others, however,
refused. According
to Graham Mather, president of the European Financial Forum in London,
Argentina still owes $15 billion to private individuals – including tens of
thousands of Italian pensioners and several institutional investors — and over
$6 billion to the Paris Club of government creditors.
Worse,
Argentina has ignored more than 100 court decisions around the world. Thomas
Griesa, a U.S. District Court judge who handled many of the cases, has
called Argentina’s stiffing of its creditors “immoral.”
Argentina has also thumbed its nose at awards to creditors by the International Centre for Settlement of Investment
Disputes (ICSID), the World Bank’s
arbitration mechanism.
Now turn to Greece. It is one of several European countries that face an economic crisis that could be as dire as Argentina’s — or worse. When Argentina defaulted, its deficit was only 3.2 percent of Gross Domestic Product, but Greece’s deficit is 7.8 percent of GDP. The New York Times reported, “As a percentage of GDP, Greece’s debt of 150 percent is far worse than Argentina had when it defaulted.”
What’s
troubling to European policy experts is that Greece – or, if it comes to that,
Spain and who knows what other countries – will look at the Argentine
experience and say, “That’s a good solution for us!”
The
reason is that Argentina has not been punished by international financial
organizations for its irresponsible behavior. To the contrary. The World Bank
has loaned Argentina about $8 billion and the Inter-American
Development Bank (IADB) several billion more, including, ironically, $36
million on July 6 for “productive
institutional strengthening and fiscal management.”
Beyond
the loans, Argentina has actually been honored. It is currently one of the
exalted members of the G20, the organization of large economies charged with “restoring
global growth, strengthening the international financial system, and reforming
international financial institutions” in the wake of the 2008-09
global crisis.
And
this is what worries those Europeans I talked to.
What
Greece can legitimately see in Argentina is a nation that has made
irresponsibility and lack of international cooperation pay off. Larry Elliott,
economics editor of The Guardian in Britain, summed up the case in an
article with the headline, “Greece
should follow Argentina’s lead,” and a subhead that
concluded, “when an economic crisis hits, it is often best to go it alone.”
Some
nations, however, are taking action against Argentina. In September, a Treasury
Department official announced that “the U.S. will oppose lending to Argentina”
at the World Bank and the IADB. The U.S. took the first step by voting
against $232 million in loans at the IADB last Sept. 14.
A Treasury spokeswoman said, “Argentina has failed to honor its commitments as a member of the Group of 20 and its obligations to the IMF, the Paris Club and [ICSID]. We have consistently told the Argentine authorities that they must rectify these policies.”
A Treasury spokeswoman said, “Argentina has failed to honor its commitments as a member of the Group of 20 and its obligations to the IMF, the Paris Club and [ICSID]. We have consistently told the Argentine authorities that they must rectify these policies.”
The
distinct impression I got from the Europeans – none of whom wanted to speak on
the record for now – was that at least some of their countries would follow the
United States in opposing further loans.
The
G20 issue may be even more pressing. Sen. Richard Lugar, the centrist
Republican who formerly chaired the Foreign Relations Committee, introduced a
resolution in May calling for Argentina’s suspension from the G20.
“Unlike
countries facing genuine challenges,” said Lugar, “Argentina has a productive
economy and over $45 billion in reserves. It could easily live by the
rules and pay its bills—but the current government chooses otherwise.”
In
a tough editorial in April, the Wall Street Journal called for expelling
Argentina form the G20, citing President Cristina Kirchner’s decision to
nationalize the oil company YPF by seizing
shares owned by a Spanish firm. The Washington Post similarly
editorialized that “one way to send a wake-up call would be to
remove Argentina from the Group of 20, the supposedly elite club of nations
that gathers to weigh world economic problems.”
The
case against Argentina is powerful. Last month, Alex Brill, a research fellow
at the American Enterprise Institute, and I produced
a study, sponsored by the National Taxpayers Union, that
advocated objective criteria for admission to the G20, which, we argued, is in
jeopardy of losing legitimacy for the arbitrary nature of its membership
decisions.
We
developed a scoring system based on seven metrics developed by the World Bank
and International Monetary Fund and then applied these standards – which
included GDP, trade volume, global connections of domestic financial
institutions, and rule of law — to current members and about two dozen other
countries.
We
found two members clearly did not belong in the G20: Argentina and Indonesia.
Argentina was by far the worst. It scored 18.1 on our scale – below such
countries as Egypt (23.6), Thailand (32.1), and, yes, Greece (37.3). Argentina
is currently the smallest of the G20 by GDP; it also ranks lowest by far for
financial interconnectedness and second-to-last (a bit better than Russia) for
rule of law and control of corruption.
In
addition, Argentina ranked last in compliance with the priority commitments
that G20 members made at their 2010 summit in Seoul. Argentina met just 46
percent of the commitments, compared
to a member average of 76 percent. In short, by any objective
standard, the country had no business ever being in the G20. The Washington
Post suggested that Argentina be replaced by Chile. Perhaps,
but Chile is one of twenty current non-members of the G20 that rank ahead of
Argentina.
Argentina
has been frozen out of the private credit markets now for a decade, and,
despite the claims of Larry Elliott and others, there have indeed been serious
consequences. The New York Times quoted a business
consultant in Rosario, a city north of Buenos Aires, as saying, “Argentina
is no longer considered a serious country.”
Argentine
officials are currently stonewalling and dissembling, making erroneous claims,
like Argentina “recognized
its debt and duly paid it.” But Argentina has a choice. Its
government can pay what it owes, comply with the courts and the ICSID, rejoin
the international community, and, through these actions, probably retain its
seat at the G20. Or it can remain a global renegade and inevitably lose both
its World Bank loans and its G20 status.
The
big worry is not that Argentina self-destructs but that its current standing as
a G20 member provides an example for other nations that ignore and disparage
international financial standards. That’s what worries responsible Europeans,
who fear that Greece and other debtors in distress will follow the Argentine
model. Let’s hope not.
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