By Niall
Ferguson
It can be a
mistake to laugh at fascists. Charlie Chaplin mocked Hitler and Mussolini in The Great Dictator. P.G. Wodehouse had fun with his
preposterous parody of Oswald Mosley, Roderick Spode. But Nazism turned out to
be no joke. Today Chaplin’s film, for all his comic genius, is embarrassing to
watch, while Wodehouse lived to regret his complacency about what was brewing
in Berlin.
So when a party
called “Golden Dawn”—which has something that looks a lot like a swastika as
its logo— starts denying aspects of the Holocaust and heaping opprobrium on
immigrants, it’s best to keep a straight face. Sure, they’re Greeks, not
Germans. Sure, their party leader, Nikolaos G. Michaloliakos, is about as
-charismatic as a barrel of rotten olives. But if elections were held tomorrow,
these guys could become the third-largest party in the Greek Parliament.
The Greeks are
the extreme case. But maybe that’s only because economically they are the
extreme case. This year the Greek economy is forecast to contract by 7 percent.
Unemployment is at 23 percent and youth unemployment a mind-blowing 54 percent.
Under these circumstances, it would be rather remarkable if people were
patiently sticking to the mainstream parties of the center-left and
center-right.
Populism is the standard political response to
financial crisis. In America we have seen two different variants—the right-wing
populism of the Tea Party and the left-wing populism of the Occupy movement.
But European populism takes more toxic forms.
Nothing was easier to predict than this: that the
crisis of the euro zone would spark a nationalist backlash. Golden Dawn is not
just xenophobic; it’s also Europhobic. The same thing has happened in the
Netherlands: there, Geert Wilders started out by attacking Muslim immigrants
(and indeed Islam itself), but has more recently added Euro-bashing to his
repertoire of his Freedom Party.
This strategy was pioneered in Finland by the “True
Finns,” whose leader, Timo Soini, has succeeded in pushing his country’s
government to take an increasingly tough line on bailouts for (you’ve guessed
it) the Greeks. Populism in the North fuels—and feeds on—populism in the South.
As I said, there is much about this neo- or
crypto--fascist wave that is hard to take seriously. Can 13 percent of Italians
really want to substitute the unkempt comedian Beppe Grillo, leader of the
anti-European Five Star Movement, for Mario Monti, the prime minister who has
pulled their country back from the brink of moral as well as financial bankruptcy?
Do the supporters of the Lega Nord (Northern League) really intend to dismantle
Italy and create a new rump state of Padania—not so much a banana republic as a
Bolognese republic? Is talk of Catalan independence just a Barcelona bluff?
Nearly one in five French voters backed Marine Le
Pen’s French National Front in last spring’s election. Le Pen has described the
European Union as “a structure that I consider totalitarian, it is the European
Soviet Union ... a rootless ... impotent empire.” She also denounced last
year’s fiscal compact, designed to slash European budget deficits, as
“anti-democratic,” “anti-economic,” and adopted “by order of Germany.”
Credit where it’s due: a few wise men warned the
Europeans that creating a monetary union without any kind of fiscal integration
would lead not just to economic crisis but also to conflict. They were right.
Last month, at a conference on the shores of Lake Como, I heard Prime Minister
Monti declare: “I do not fear controversies between governments, but I do fear
difference and hate between peoples.” That hate is growing.
Yet there is one crumb of comfort. Fascism is for
young men. All that marching around, beating up opponents, and giving Roman
salutes gets steadily harder once you pass the age of 30. And the good news is
that Europe really has passed the age of 30. To be precise, nearly a quarter—23
percent—of the population of Greece are 65 or older. For the Italians it’s even
higher: 25 percent. Any Spaniard over 50 remembers what fascism was really like.
Perhaps for this reason, the new right tends to do
rather poorly when people actually vote, rather than just opine to pollsters.
The Dutch Freedom Party lost around a third of its seats in last month’s
elections. Earlier in the year, Timo Soini tried and failed to become the
Finnish president. Marine Le Pen couldn’t even win a seat for herself in the
French National Assembly.
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