by Angel MartÃn Oro
In
2007, for the first time in history, the share of urban world population
surpassed its rural counterpart. According to estimations by the United Nations
Population Fund, in 2030 urban population will represent about 60 percent of
the total world population. This process is being driven largely by the
remarkable economic performance of the developing world.
Many
argue that this trend is not only environmentally unsustainable but also
socially harmful. Cities are viewed as places of huge social inequalities,
unhealthy modes of living, and unfriendly environmental practices. Although
this view is mainly present among the critics of capitalism, it is widely
entrenched in public opinion. Thus it strongly influences the regulations and
policies regarding urban spaces.
One of
the strongest opponents of this view is Harvard economist Edward L. Glaeser,
whose Triumph of the City makes a persuasive defense of cities.
As its subtitle suggests, he claims that cities are “our greatest invention”
and presents the case that they make us not only richer, but also greener and
healthier.
The
book combines economic logic with sound research through the study of history,
data, quantitative relationships (using econometrics), and direct observation
from several case studies of cities. Glaeser provides a comprehensive and
generally convincing treatment of his subject.
Cities
thrive, Glaeser argues, because human beings are essentially social agents who
need to be close to each other. This important and subtle idea is vividly
present throughout the book. Unfortunately it is largely neglected, especially
among policymakers devoted to the belief that they can centrally plan complex
and emergent orders like cities.
Glaeser
critically analyzes the most pressing urban problems and the government
responses to them. The common denominator of bad and pernicious public policies
is the lack of understanding of what cities really are: “cities aren’t
structures; cities are people,” he writes. He proceeds to illustrate the law of
unintended consequences of government interventions with many different
examples involving welfare policy, environmental issues, and land-use planning.
The
conventional view is that cities create pockets of extreme poverty. Glaeser
suggests that cities, instead of making people poor, attract very poor people
from the rural world with the prospect of improving their material conditions by
giving them superior opportunities. Thus urban growth is how rural, and also
total, poverty is reduced—and that is how it has been actually reduced
historically. In this respect Glaeser states what he calls the great urban
poverty paradox: “if a city improves life for poor people currently living
there by improving public schools or mass transit, that city will attract more
poor people.”
Thus
policymakers face a dilemma. On the one hand they would like to improve the
conditions of their poor citizens, but on the other they would not like to
attract more poor people, thereby raising alarms due to increases in the
standard poverty and inequality figures. Given how the political process works
and the inherent difficulties of government intervention to do good, it is no
wonder why these public policies end up hurting the poor more often than not.
Moreover,
Glaeser claims, the solution to urban problems, whether they are due to pockets
of poverty, traffic jams, or other causes, “is more likely to come from local
initiative [such as from social entrepreneurs] than from federal policy.”
The
book also directs the reader’s attention to urban environmental policies, where
Glaeser again has a contrarian view, writing, “Manhattan and downtown London
and Shanghai are the real friends of the environment. Nature lovers who live
surrounded by trees and grass consume much more energy than their urban
counterparts.” Glaeser calls for a smarter environmentalism that combines both
good economic logic and evidence to avoid counterproductive policies based
solely on wishful thinking.
However
harmful the effects of urban planning in developed countries, they can be a
matter of life and death in countries like India. For instance, Mumbai’s
restrictions on building heights hurt the poorest people the most by preventing
the expansion of the supply of affordable housing.
I wish
the book had addressed the recent Free Cities movement, but still Glaeser’s
book is highly recommended reading for anyone who wishes to understand better
the city where he lives and the disastrous public policies that hurt him and
his neighbors. In the end, readers will see cities very differently. And
perhaps they will agree with Glaeser that “our culture, our prosperity, and our
freedom are all ultimately gifts of people living, working, and thinking
together.”
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