by WSJ
Practice still
makes imperfect, but Sunday's overnight deal to save Cyprus is a big
improvement over the last attempt. Brussels and Nicosia have finally agreed to
try an orderly, market-based solution to the country's financial mess—even if
it did first have to exhaust every bad idea.
Under Sunday's
deal, Laiki Bank, the country's second largest, will go bust immediately. All
of its creditors will be wiped out, though insured deposits of less than
€100,000 will be protected. Larger depositors will be given equity shares in a
"bad bank" that will hold Laiki's more dubious assets. The bank's
viable assets will be transferred to Bank of Cyprus, the less troubled of the
country's terrible two.
Meanwhile, Bank of
Cyprus's uninsured depositors and other creditors will take haircuts sufficient
to ensure a 9% capital ratio, likely in the neighborhood of 35%. Not a cent of
the EU and IMF's €10 billion rescue will go toward recapitalizing a Cypriot bank.
The Cyprus government will be left with debt of 140% of GDP—worrisomely high,
but lower than originally envisioned.
All of this
doesn't go as far as our suggestion last week that both Bank of Cyprus and
Laiki be put into resolution and that uninsured deposits be swapped for bank
shares. But Sunday's deal gets most of the way there, while eliminating the
worst features of the earlier deal.
By protecting
insured depositors, the deal honors a government promise that is an implicit
contract. The forced transfer of large deposits into equity is unfortunate, but
then it is also a reminder that banks fail and that uninsured deposits are,
well, uninsured. This is a useful lesson in the limits of government guarantees
and a welcome blow against moral hazard.
The survival of
Bank of Cyprus is a political sop to protect Cypriot jobs, though it also means
the bank might eventually need another restructuring down the road. Bank of
Cyprus will assume Laiki's €9 billion in emergency debt to the European Central
Bank, and more borrowers are likely to default as property prices continue to
fall. Don't be surprised if Bank of Cyprus needs to take another bite from
creditors.
The other risks
associated with Sunday's deal were less avoidable. Cypriot banks will face
withdrawals when they reopen, most likely on Tuesday. The country has operated
mostly on cash since March 15, so bank accounts will bleed out even if small
depositors know their savings won't be confiscated and the ECB acts as a
backstop. But confidence in Cyprus's banking system has been shaken, and much
of the business that had used the Mediterranean island as a tax haven will
flee.
Nicosia will now
face the usual conditions of a euro-zone rescue: labor-market reforms, fiscal
discipline, privatizations, pension and health-care reform. All of this is
overdue in Cyprus and will be necessary if the country is to have a future
beyond Russian offshore business.
Speaking of
Russia, Nicosia dithered on supporting a deal last week in the hope that
Moscow's largess might obviate a German-led rescue. Cypriot Finance Minister
Michalis Sarris had offered the Kremlin everything including the kitchen sink,
but Vladimir Putin was unmoved. Now that Cypriots know that Mr. Putin values
good relations with the EU more than he values kinship with Cyprus, Nicosia
might think twice about signing away the country's natural-gas future to any
partner.
Dmitry Medvedev
also offered no love for Sunday's deal, saying that, "In my view, the
stealing of what has already been stolen continues." The Russian Prime
Minister's new concern for property rights is touching, even if he knows that
uninsured deposits wouldn't have been spared under any plausible agreement with
Brussels.
The larger issue
is how much of a precedent this is for future EU bailouts. The necessary bank
failure was only imposed in round two, and then only because the Cyprus
Parliament rejected round one. Brussels may also have resisted its taxpayer
bailout impulses only because Angela Merkel faces an election this year and
didn't want to tell Germans they had to rescue the deposits of Russian
oligarchs.
The question is
what the EU will do when there's no German election and the next failing
financial system is bigger than Cyprus's. It's probably inevitable given the
many political actors that these rescues will turn out to be a Night at the
Improv. But they will happen less frequently, and will be less chaotic, if the
EU begins to apply the discipline of failure and loss contained in Cyprus round
two.
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