We are passing
through something more than a period of disappointing economic growth and
increasing political polarization. What's happening is more powerful: the
collapse of "entitlement." By this, I do not mean primarily cuts in
specific government benefits, most prominently Social Security, but the demise
of a broader mindset -- attitudes and beliefs -- that, in one form or another,
has gripped Americans since the 1960s. The breakdown of these ideas has rattled
us psychologically as well as politically and economically.
In my 1995 book,
"The Good Life and Its Discontents," I defined entitlement as our
expectations "about the kind of nation we were creating and what that
meant for all of us individually":
We had a grand vision. We didn't merely expect things to get better. We expected all social problems to be solved. We expected business cycles, economic insecurity, poverty, and racism to end. We expected almost limitless personal freedom and self-fulfillment. For those who couldn't live life to its fullest (as a result of old age, disability, or bad luck), we expected a generous social safety net to guarantee decent lives. We blurred the distinction between progress and perfection.
Bill Clinton has a
pithier formulation: "If you work hard and play by the rules, you'll have
the freedom and opportunity to pursue your own dreams." That's
entitlement. "Responsible" Americans should be able to attain
realistic ambitions.
No more. Millions
of Americans who have "played by the rules" are in distress or fear
that they might be. In a new Allstate/National Journal survey, 65 percent of
respondents said today's middle class has less "job and financial
security" than their parents' generation; 52 percent asserted there is
less "opportunity to get ahead." The middle class is "more
anxious than aspirational," concluded the poll's sponsors. Similarly, the
Employee Benefit Research Institute found that only 51 percent of workers are
confident they'll have enough money to retire comfortably, down from 70 percent
in 2007.
Popular national
goals remain elusive. Poverty is stubborn. Many schools seem inadequate. The
"safety net," private and public, is besieged. Our expansive notion
of entitlement rested on optimistic and, ultimately, unrealistic assumptions:
First, that
economists knew enough to moderate the business cycle, guaranteeing jobs for
most people who wanted them. This seemed true for many years; from 1980 to
2007, the economy created 47 million non-farm jobs. The Great Recession
revealed the limits of economic management. The faith in a crude stability
vanished.
Second, that large
corporations (think: General Motors, AT&T) were so dominant that they could
provide secure jobs and generous benefits -- health insurance, pensions -- for
much of the labor force. Deregulation, foreign competition and new technologies
changed all this. Companies became more cost-conscious, cutting jobs and
squeezing fringe benefits. The private "safety net" has shrunk.
Third, that
improvements in economic efficiency (aka, "productivity") would lift
living standards and finance bigger government without steeper taxes.
Government could pay for new programs by taking a fixed share of rising
incomes. In reality, greater income inequality has dampened middle-class living
standards, while existing programs -- soaring health costs and the effects of
an aging population -- have claimed an ever-larger share of taxes.
Fourth, that
lifestyle choices -- to marry or not, have children, or divorce -- would expand
individual freedom without inflicting adverse social consequences. Wrong.
Family breakdown has deepened poverty and worsened children's prospects. About
30 percent of children live with either one parent or no parent; on average,
their life chances are poorer than those in two-parent households.
Weighed down by
these contradictions, entitlement has been slowly crumbling for decades. The
Great Recession merely applied the decisive blow. We're not entitled to many
things: not to a dynamic economy; not to secure jobs; not to homeownership; not
to ever-more protective government; not to fixed tax burdens; not to a college
education. Sooner or later, the programs called "entitlements,"
including Social Security, will be trimmed because they're expensive and some
recipients are less deserving than others.
The collision
between present realities and past expectations helps explain the public's
extraordinary moodiness. The pandering to the middle class by both parties (and
much of the media) represents one crude attempt to muffle the disappointment, a
false reassurance that the pleasing past can be reclaimed. It can't. This does
not mean the economy can't improve. Derek Thompson, writing in The Atlantic,
suggests that when "millennials" end their delays in marrying, having
children and buying homes, they will administer a welcome stimulus to growth.
The trouble is that today's grievances transcend the economy.
In the
post-entitlement era, people's expectations may be more grounded. But political
conflicts -- who gets, who gives -- and social resentments will be, as they
already are, sharper. Entitlement implied an almost-limitless future. Facing
limits is a contentious exercise in making choices.
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