As We Go Marching
By Alasdair Macleod
Many of us are aware of Professor Laurence
Kotlikoff of Boston University’s calculation that the net present value of the
US Government’s future liabilities rose by $11 trillion in fiscal 2012 to $222
trillion. These are principally welfare, healthcare and social security costs.
This is
admittedly a high-end estimate, dependent on variables such as longevity,
demographics and the interest rate at which future liabilities are discounted.
It is an escalating problem, because baby-boomer retirees suddenly stop paying
income and social security taxes and instead draw down on the system. The
implication is that these costs are impacting government finances at an
increasing rate, potentially undermining the creditworthiness of the US
Government.
According
to OECD figures other countries appear to be in far worse positions, as shown
in the table below, where they are ranked by cash pension costs faced by
governments in 2011.
However, pensions are only part of the
story, with all these countries providing healthcare and other social services,
which with aging populations is a substantial and increasing cost. And while
some state healthcare provisions are better than others, when healthcare is run
by the state it is more likely to be better as the result of higher spending
than greater efficiency. Furthermore, the OECD figures are for cash benefits,
excluding benefits in kind; so in Ireland’s case, where pension benefits in
kind are estimated by the OECD to be three times the cash amount, the true cost
works out at closer to 15% of her GDP.
Japan’s
demographic crisis has been well publicised, which is reflected in the figure
of 35.5% for pensioners as a percentage of the working population, and
presumably worse than that today. However, the financial press is less familiar
with the enormous future commitments of European governments, which are truly
alarming. And these figures do not even fully expose the difficulties for
governments to deliver their welfare obligations.
Eurozone
unemployment is over 10% on average. This means that 10% of tax contributors
are out of the picture and become a welfare burden, so Spain and Greece where
unemployment is at 26% are in immediate trouble with their welfare budgets.
Another unfavourable factor is the dominance of the state.
Take
France, whose general government is 57% of GDP. Her working population is 28
million out of a total population of 66 million; 3 million are unemployed,
which leaves 25 million, of which 8 million are employed by government. We can
disregard government employees, since they are a net government liability, not
a source of revenue.
That
leaves only 17 million productive taxpayers who have to pay for the welfare and
pensions for 66 million in a heavily state-controlled economy. Furthermore, a
significant proportion of private sector employees are working in nationalised
or government-supported industries, so the true figure of real taxpayers is
significantly less than 17 million.
We can
draw two conclusions about the European states: their welfare, health and
social service liabilities are, unless they ditch the majority of their welfare
commitments, going to bankrupt them; and because their true taxpaying base to
fund this largess is smaller than generally realised, taxes are going to have
to rise to the point where it is not worth genuinely productive people working.
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