Wednesday, January 8, 2014

Pimping the Empire, Conservative-Style

"Conservatives" and "Progressives" alike are pimping for the Empire when they support the Central State's essentially unlimited powers
By CHARLES HUGH SMITH
(I say "so-called" because the "Progressives" are not actually progressive, and the "Conservatives" are not actually conservative. Those labels are Orwellian double-speak, designed to mask the disastrous consequences of each ideology's actual policies.)
Let's begin by stipulating that ideology, any ideology, is an intellectual and emotional shortcut that offers believers ready-made explanations, goals, narratives and enemies without any difficult, time-consuming analysis, study or skeptical inquiry. This is the ultimate appeal of ideology: accepting the ideology relieves the believer of the burdens of analysis, skeptical inquiry, uncertainty/doubt and responsibility: all the answers, goals and narratives are prepackaged and mashed together for easy consumption.
This is one of the core messages of Erich Fromm's classic exploration of ideology and authoritarianism, Escape from Freedom.
And what is the essential foundation of authoritarianism? A central state. This is not coincidental.
What few grasp is the teleology of the centralized state: by its very nature (i.e. as a consequence of its essentially unlimited powers), the central state is genetically programmed to become an authoritarian state devoted to self-preservation and the extension of its reach and power.
This is why the Founding Fathers were so intent on limiting the powers of the Central State. They understood the teleology of the centralized state: by its very nature (i.e. as a consequence of its essentially unlimited powers), the central state is genetically programmed to become an authoritarian state devoted to self-preservation and the extension of its reach and power.
You can't cede unlimited, highly concentrated powers to the central state and then expect the state not to fulfill its teleological imperative to protect and extend its powers. The state with unlimited powers will be ontologically predisposed to view any citizen that seeks to limit its expansion of power as an enemy to be suppressed, imprisoned or marginalized.
The state with unlimited powers will be ontologically predisposed to protecting its powers by cloaking all the important inner workings of the state behind a veil of secrecy, and pursuing and punishing any whistleblowers who reveal the corrupt, self-serving workings of the state.
The state with unlimited powers will be ontologically predisposed to view any other nation or alliance as a potential threat, and thus the state will pursue any and all means to disrupt or counter those potential threats.
The state with unlimited powers will be ontologically predisposed to create and distribute propaganda to mask its self-serving nature and its perpetual agenda of extending its powers, lest some threat arise that limits those powers.
Democracy and a central state with unlimited powers are teleologically incompatible.
Though they piously claim to desire a limited State, conservatives cede it essentially unlimited powers because they want that state to be powerful enough to impose their agenda on others and reward their constituencies.
Conservatives are masters at projecting a preachy devotion to a limited state, democracy, liberty and free enterprise while their support of the Central State undermines every one of these values. Conservatives are like the preacher who issues stern sermons on righteousness every Sunday while skimming big money from pimping sordid, destructive policies Monday through Saturday.
Conservatives claim to want to limit the Central State, but their slavish support of Medicare, Social Security, the Pentagon, the National Security State, the Federal Reserve (and thus interest on the national debt), farm subsidies to Big Ag, law enforcement and the War on Drugs Gulag means they support virtually 100% of the Central State's unlimited powers. Their proposed "cuts" are farcically tiny slices designed for propaganda purposes--out of $4 trillion Federal budget, conservatives preach "austerity" while leaving the Empire and their crony-capitalist cartels entirely intact.
Conservatives claim devotion to national defense while actually having no interest in actual defense. Their sole interest is supporting their favored cartels and projecting a politically useful facade of being pro-national defense. In the real world, they support the revolving door between the Pentagon and defense contractors and profitable but ineffective weapons systems. Conservatives happily shove weapons systems down the nation's throat the Pentagon doesn't even want, all the while masking their crony-capitalist agenda behind pious claims of supporting the military.
That is particularly Orwellian: ignore the military's true needs in favor of funneling profits to your crony-capitalist pals. The same Orwellian agenda powers conservative support of the banking sector (conservatives never met a banking subsidy they didn't love), Big Ag, Big Pharma, Big Everything--conservatives will support any Big Business at the expense of the taxpayers and the national commons.
The one essential tool conservatives need to force their crony-capitalism on the citizenry is an powerful Central State--and so they support the essentially unlimited powers of the Central State with gusto, even as they bleat piously about the Founding Fathers.
The Founding Fathers had two primary concerns: foreign entanglements and the dangers of an unlimited Central State. So-called Conservatives are blind to the gap between the reality of their support of a Global Empire and an all-powerful Central State and the fantasy that they even understand the Founding Fathers' concerns, much less actively pursue them.
Conservatives are against Big Government except when Big Government benefits their constituencies. Boost the Pentagon budget by 10% a year, rain or shine, to counter every possible threat to the Empire, boost the National Security State (Homeland Security, NSA, etc.) every year, boost the War on Drugs Gulag annually, leave Medicare, Social Security and interest on the national debt as sacrosanct, and guess what--you've created a self-liquidating monster State.
Behind their preachy facade, conservatives have turned democracy into an auction of political favors. As they belly up to the limitless trough of central State revenues and power, conservatives have embraced the auction as the true mechanism of governance: banking statutes are written by banking lobbyists and then signed into law.
What is the difference between a so-called Progressive who tells us Congress has to pass a crony-capitalist healthcare law to find out what's in it and a so-called Conservative who pushes a banking law penned by lobbyists? There is none: both are pimps.
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Pimping the Empire, Progressive-Style

Supporting the central state to protect your favored cartels is simply pimping for the Empire
By Charles Hugh Smith
The central illusion of both Left (so-called Progressives) and Right (so-called conservatives) is that the Central State's essentially unlimited powers can be narrowly directed to further their agenda.
(I say "so-called" because the "Progressives" are not actually progressive, and the "Conservatives" are not actually conservative. Those labels are Orwellian double-speak, designed to mask the disastrous consequences of each ideology's actual policies.)
Let's begin by stipulating that ideology, any ideology, is an intellectual and emotional shortcut that offers believers ready-made explanations, goals, narratives and enemies without any difficult, time-consuming analysis, study or skeptical inquiry. This is the ultimate appeal of ideology: accepting the ideology relieves the believer of the burdens of analysis, skeptical inquiry, uncertainty/doubt and responsibility: all the answers, goals and narratives are prepackaged and mashed together for easy consumption.
This is one of the core messages of Erich Fromm's classic exploration of ideology and authoritarianism, Escape from Freedom.
And what is the essential foundation of authoritarianism? A central state. This is not coincidental.
What few grasp is the teleology of the centralized state: by its very nature (i.e. as a consequence of its essentially unlimited powers), the central state is genetically programmed to become an authoritarian state devoted to self-preservation and the extension of its reach and power.
The central illusion of Progressives is that an all-powerful central state will not become a self-serving expansive empire, but will be content to wield its vast powers to protect its favored cartels/monopolies and distribute money skimmed from the citizenry to Progressive constituencies such as public unions, healthcare and education.
This is an absurd fantasy. Once you give a central state essentially unlimited power to stripmine income and wealth from its citizens, create and/or borrow essentially unlimited sums of money, protect private (and politically powerful) cartels from competition and project military, financial and diplomatic power around the globe, the state will pursue Authoritarianism and Empire as a consequence of possessing those powers.
You can't cede unlimited, highly concentrated powers to the central state and then expect the state not to fulfill its teleogical imperative to protect and extend its powers. The state with unlimited powers will be ontologically predisposed to view any citizen that seeks to limit its expansion of power as an enemy to be suppressed, imprisoned or marginalized.
The state with unlimited powers will be ontologically predisposed to protecting its powers by cloaking all the important inner workings of the state behind a veil of secrecy, and pursuing and punishing any whistleblowers who reveal the corrupt, self-serving workings of the state.
The state with unlimited powers will be ontologically predisposed to view any other nation or alliance as a potential threat, and thus the state will pursue any and all means to distrupt or counter those potential threats.
The state with unlimited powers will be ontologically predisposed to create and distribute propaganda to mask its self-serving nature and its perpetual agenda of extending its powers, lest some threat arise that limits those powers.
Democracy and a central state with unlimited powers are teleologically incompatible.
Progressives worship the central state and cede it essentially unlimited powers because they want that state to be powerful enough to impose their agenda on others and reward their constituencies.
But it doesn't work that way. Once you cede unlimited, highly concentrated power to the central state, you get an authoritarian empire that is driven to protect itself from any threat at all costs--including democracy, though the state may maintain a facade of carefully managed "democracy" as part of its propaganda machinery.
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Whither Chile?

The malaise of success can be a much worse enemy of the free society than its ideological foes
By Alvaro Vargas Llosa
With just under 47 percent of the vote, former President Michelle Bachelet obtained a resounding victory in the first round in November’s elections in Chile, inflicting a heavy blow to the right and opening the door to a new left-wing government that, unlike the last time she was in office, will be based on a coalition that includes members of the Communist Party. She also went on to win the second round in mid-December and is now the president-elect.
This is the culmination of a process that has left observers dumbfounded. Chile’s outgoing center-right government under President Piñera has been among the most successful in the country’s history, if we judge it by the statistics that serve to measure these things. And yet the center-right has been going through a traumatic identity crisis. Its candidate, Evelyn Matthei, who obtained 25 percent of the vote, was the third figure to lead that ideological family after two previous candidates had to drop out. Several outsiders also ran in this election. One of them, Franco Parisi, a populist economist who comes from the right, took many votes from Matthei, who represented the well-established parties National Renovation and the Independent Democratic Union.
A quick look at some of the achievements of President Piñera is enough to place him among the best performers in Latin America. The economy grew at an average rate of more than 5 percent in his first three years and is growing more than 4 percent this year—against a 3.3 average rate under Bachelet’s previous government. Poverty has been reduced to 14 percent of the population and almost one million jobs have been created. Under Piñera’s predecessor, unemployment had grown substantially. Behind this success is an investment rate that nears 25 percent of GDP, four points higher than in the days of Bachelet. Foreign investors poured US$ 30 billion into the country last year, almost half of what Brazil took in despite an economy that is nine times bigger.
So, what is happening? Mauricio Rojas, a well-known analyst, thinks this is “the best and least loved government in our history.” He points to “the malaise of success”, a material progress that multiplies expectations a lot faster than the ability to meet them. I agree. I watched a similar process in Spain, where a large middle class that was the child of the booming post-Franco economy eventually became complacent and placed on the system redistributive and egalitarian demands that were incompatible with a prosperous society. The result was, in part, Spain’s recent crisis.
Could the same happen in Chile, whose progress has made it an emblem of the emerging world? Much will depend on Bachelet, who as a candidate has given in to several demands from the radical left, including proposing major changes to the Constitution, universal free education, a tax raise and the creation of a public pension system, among others. Whether she will go ahead with this is uncertain since her majority in Congress falls short of what is required for a constitutional change. But one thing is clear: Her government will be under more pressure than any other since the return of democracy in 1990 to reverse course on many of the institutional factors that have made Chile a envied liberal democracy. A significant segment of the middle class seems to have fallen for the siren song of old-fashioned socialism.
......
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Machiavelli for Moms

The people desire neither to be commanded nor oppressed by the great, and the great desire to command and oppress the people
By RITA KOGANZON
Niccolò Machiavelli, the 16th-century Florentine political advisor and philosopher, has been credited with founding the modern "realist" school of international relations, the modern conception of the state, and even modernity itself. What he is most famous for, however, is founding a new approach to politics that emphasizes deception and effectiveness over virtue and morality. In his best-known work, The Prince, he advises the politically ambitious to eschew genuine virtue for the mere appearance of it and to accept that the aims of a true leader justify his means, whatever they may be. "For a man who wants to make a profession of good in all regards must come to ruin among so many who are not good," he writes. "Hence it is necessary to a prince, if he wants to maintain himself, to learn to be able not to be good."
This Machiavellian willingness to be "altogether wicked" is difficult to square with some of what we in the modern world he helped create have made of Machiavelli. Perhaps most peculiar, and most telling, of all is the steady stream of self-help and advice manuals for everyday living that claim to have been inspired by him. There is What Would Machiavelli Do? The Ends Justify the Meanness, one of a number of Machiavellian guides for business success. There is also The Suit: A Machiavellian Approach to Men's StyleThe Princessa: Machiavelli for WomenA Child's Machiavelli; a slew of (largely self-published) Machiavellian tracts on picking up women; and, most recently, Machiavelli for Moms.
These books find their model primarily in The Prince, a work claiming to dispense advice for princes — not office pushovers, frumpy dressers, playground wimps, and dateless sad sacks. Machiavelli does venture some advice for mothers in the Discourses on Livy, in which he applauds Caterina Sforza's parenting, though it is hard to imagine that today's self-help gurus would share his admiration for her. After conspirators trying to take the city of Forlì kill Sforza's husband and capture her and her young children, she promises to betray the fortress to the conspirators if they release her, and she leaves her children with them as collateral. Machiavelli writes, "As soon as she was inside, she reproved them from the walls for the death of her husband....And to show that she did not care for her children, she showed them her genital parts, saying that she still had the mode for making more of them." That is Machiavelli for moms, though this story is not mentioned in the recent parenting guide. How then has Machiavelli, proponent of every kind of deceit, been domesticated, becoming a modern American sartorial consultant, business guru, and family therapist?
The process has been gradual, spanning several centuries — it began, in fact, with the first great American Machiavellian, Benjamin Franklin. Machiavelli's value for European geopolitical strategy was recognized almost immediately, but it was Franklin who realized that, although Machiavelli had largely been understood as an advisor to the rulers of great states, he was in fact a philosopher for losers. He wrote books about power and the men who had succeeded or failed to seize it, but men who are busy seizing and holding power rarely have time to read books. We are most receptive to Machiavelli when we are young and lowly, or when we have been brought low by some setback, and, in both cases, Machiavelli instructs the weak. But Franklin recognized, too, that Machiavelli speaks to the ambitious among the weak, those who are not satisfied to remain low, and this made him useful to Franklin in particular and to Americans in general.
Machiavelli still has much to teach the lowly and ambitious, but some of the more recent attempts to apply his insights to American life today have missed the point. In order to benefit from the useful lessons Machiavelli can teach us about succeeding in America, we need to identify exactly what those lessons really are. To do so, we would do well to re-examine Benjamin Franklin's approach to employing Machiavellian methods to get ahead in America.
FRANKLIN'S CIVIC MACHIAVELLIANISM
The American situation as Benjamin Franklin saw it in the 18th century was particularly ripe for Machiavellian losers. The period was marked by relative social equality, an observation Tocqueville would echo a half-century later. As Franklin wrote in an advertisement to potential immigrants in 1782, "The Truth is, that though there are in that Country few People so miserable as the Poor of Europe, there are also very few that in Europe would be called rich: it is rather a general happy Mediocrity that prevails." This happy mediocrity prevailed in part because of the availability of land, but also because members of the English aristocracy were disinclined to leave their estates and move to the American colonies, leaving the new world to be populated by lower gentry, small farmers, and tradesmen. The relative absence of aristocratic hierarchy in turn meant that ambitious but poor men like Franklin might rise by their own wits. Here, however, another central feature of the American situation stood in their way: Colonial Protestants looked down on worldly ambition, deeming it sinful to grasp after wealth and position, though to actually possess either or both was a mark of God's grace.
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Tuesday, January 7, 2014

Wealth Creation and the State

Money, Savings and Debt
by Pater Tenebrarum
This post can in a way be seen as an addendum to what we wrote regarding the 'gold narrative' the other day. Specifically, we want to return to the argument made in closing, namely that the present situation in terms of private and public debt relative to the economy's ability to create enough wealth to service and repay said debt is a reason to remain bullish on gold and by extension, to remain skeptical regarding the economy's future.
It is important to keep in mind that the level of outstanding debt as such actually does not prove the point. For instance, if all the credit extended were backed by real savings and if the great bulk of the extended credit were employed productively, then the size of the debt would obviously not represent a problem. After all, we would then have very good reason to expect that the investments that have been undertaken are largely sound (given the fact that they are backed by real savings) and that therefore, the economy's future output of final goods will increase sufficiently to create the profits required to service and repay the debt. 
However, we know for a fact that a vast portion of the debtberg does not consist of credit that has been productively employed. Moreover, we also know for a fact that much of it is not backed up by real savings. How do we know all this?
Let us first discuss savings. What are savings? In a monetary economy, people save in the form of money. Money is a claim on real goods, it is the ultimate present good. However, in order to save, one has to refrain from consumption. Let us say that someone saves $200 per month. He certainly could spend these $200 instead of saving them, in which case he would exert a claim on the pool of final goods and consume the goods purchased. Note that by refraining from this act of consumption, not only are there now $200 in his savings account, but the goods the saver has not consumed remain with the economy's pool of real funding (the pool of real funding is the stock of produced, but unconsumed final goods).
This addition to the pool of real funding is what actually makes an increase in production possible. If ten savers put aside $200 per month, the $2,000 worth of goods thus saved could e.g. be used to maintain the life and well-being of one worker employed in production activities. When an entrepreneur applies to a bank for credit in order to expand production, he is ultimately not trying to obtain money as such, but capital. What is required to effectively fund new production activities is not money, but real resources.
To illustrate this, imagine that a few people find themselves stranded on a deserted island, and by coincidence one of the things that has been successfully recovered from the shipwreck is a printing press for banknotes and all the paraphernalia required for the printing process. Obviously they could not create any wealth for themselves by printing banknotes. It would be a pointless exercise: the banknotes could not be used to buy the necessary capital goods required to e.g. build a new boat, since these goods are simply not available on the island. This would be so glaringly obvious that they would certainly not even try – they could print billions and would not be an iota richer. If they decide to mix their labor with the natural resources available on the island so as to create primitive capital goods that bring them a few steps closer to their goal of building a boat, they would still be confronted with the problem that at the outset, their pool of real funding would be zero. They would at first have to produce whatever is necessary to keep them alive (i.e., food). If they want to spend time on producing capital goods, enough food would have to be produced that some of it could be saved to maintain their lives while they are busy with building an ax, a net, rudders, sails and so forth.
This example serves to highlight a universal truth: no wealth can be created by  printing money. Money is indispensable for an economy based on the division of labor, as a medium of exchange (and all the subsidiary functions that flow from this, such as the store of wealth function) and a unit of account that enables economic calculation. It should be obvious though that adding to the supply of money does not add to the economy's wealth (in case a commodity money is used, it could be argued that the non-monetary uses of the commodity make additional supplies valuable beyond their exchange value, but as a rule the general medium of exchange derives the great bulk of its value from monetary demand).
Since 1971, the world has been on a fiat money standard. Moreover, the banking system is fractionally reserved, which means that it can literally create additional money from thin air. There is no effort involved except a few keystrokes. This system is backstopped by central banks that 'accommodate' this creation of money from thin air by supplying bank reserves, which are likewise created at the push of a button. In this system, a lot of credit is created that is not backed by real savings. We can get an inkling regarding the size of this credit creation from thin air by looking at the amount of uncovered money substitutes in the economy, i.e., deposit money that is not backed by standard money in the form of currency or bank reserves which can be converted to currency on demand. 

 
US money TMS-2 by economic categorization. Covered money substitutes (dark blue) consist of deposit money that is backed by either vault cash or bank reserves held at the Fed. Uncovered money substitutes (also known as 'fiduciary media') represent deposit money that has literally been created from thin air and for which no standard money backing exists – click to enlarge. 

As can be seen above, although the Fed's 'quantitative easing' policy has vastly increased the portion of money substitutes that are covered by bank reserves (the often cited excess reserves), the amount of uncovered money substitutes outstanding nevertheless stands at a new record high. In theory, all of this money should be available on demand. In practice, the banks could only pay out the covered portion and would have to contract credit if they were required to pay out more than that.
The main problem with the creation of money from thin air is that by throwing additional fiduciary media on the loan market, the market interest rate is pushed below the natural interest rate dictated by society-wide time preferences. This sets the boom-bust cycle into motion. The lower interest rate makes long-term investment projects that appeared to be unprofitable at a higher rate look profitable, so investment will be drawn toward such projects. The lower market interest rate suggests that the pool of real savings has increased so as to make the funding of these long-range investment projects possible. However, this is a mirage: the additional real savings do in fact not exist. To paraphrase Mises, the entire class of entrepreneurs finds itself in a situation akin to that of a master builder who attempts to build a palace with three stories, while unbeknown to him, the building material available is only sufficient for two stories. Obviously, the later he discovers this error, the more significant the loss will be, as a lot of resources will have been wasted.
Moreover, the creation of fiduciary media makes exchanges of nothing for something possible. The early receivers of newly created money can exercise claims on the pool of real savings, although no commensurate contribution to the pool has actually been made. The earlier receivers of newly created money will benefit to the detriment of later receivers, as by the time the new money has percolated through the economy, prices will have risen to reflect the increase of the money supply. Obviously, the earlier in the process one gets to spend newly created money, the bigger one's advantage will be. Thus wealth is redistributed from late to early receivers. Moreover, by exercising their claim without an offsetting contribution to the pool of real savings having been made, these early receivers make life more difficult for genuine wealth creators, who now must contend with a diminished pool of savings. In short, printing additional money enables consumption without preceding production. Obviously this cannot possibly be sustainable – ultimately consumption is constrained by production (one cannot consume what hasn't first been produced).
In a nutshell the problem posed by the mountain of debt that has been built up over time is the following: it has misdirected investment and falsified economic calculation, which in turn has distorted the structure of production and led to the consumption of scarce capital (which is usually disguised as illusionary accounting profits) during the boom periods. Subsequently this became painfully obvious as the inevitable economic busts set in.
What's more, the duration and amplitude of the boom-bust sequences has continually grown, as after every failed boom, the amount of new credit and money thrown at the economy to 'rescue' it from the bust has been vastly increased. Ever larger additions to the amount of money and debt outstanding have resulted in ever smaller additions to economic output. 



US: total credit market debt outstanding – click to enlarge.

If we consider the total amount of credit market debt outstanding depicted above, it is clear that large portions of this debt are indeed unproductive and represent a millstone hanging around the economy's neck. There are for instance (in the case of the US) more than $16 trillion in cumulative public debt. This represents the government's debt-financed consumption of the past. Even those who erroneously believe deficit spending to be economically beneficial must realize that this debt that is the residual of past deficit spending can only harm future economic development. 



US: total public debt on the federal level – click to enlarge. 

As Ludwig von Mises wrote regarding this point in Human Action: 
“But if the government invests funds unsuccessfully and no surplus results, or if it spends the money for current expenditure, the capital borrowed shrinks or disappears entirely, and no source is opened from which interest and principal could be paid. Then taxing the people is the only method available for complying with the articles of the credit contract. In asking taxes for such payments the government makes the citizens answerable for money squandered in the past. The taxes paid are not compensated by any present service rendered by the government's apparatus. The government pays interest on capital which has been consumed and no longer exists. The treasury is burdened with the unfortunate results of past policies.” 
(emphasis added)
We would note to this: one of the many Achilles heels of deficit spending that aims to provide 'economic stimulus' is precisely that the wealth creators in the economy know very well that they will eventually be taxed to pay for it. It is a good bet their reaction will reflect this knowledge. They will become cautious, take fewer risks and curtail their investment activities. This is one of the reasons why massive deficit spending schemes such as that enacted in Japan over the past two decades consistently fail to work.
Another point worth considering is that there is also still a vast amount of mortgage debt outstanding that is effectively 'underwater'. The collateral is worth less than the remaining debt, as a consequence of the housing bubble. No-one dares to write this unsound debt off, as doing so would denude the banks of capital. And so various extend and pretend schemes have been enacted (ranging from the adoption of dubious accounting methods to delaying foreclosure proceedings to various tax-payer funded interventionist schemes that aim to prevent a write-off of this debt). This is in many ways a drag on the economy, as both lenders and potential borrowers are paralyzed by this overhang of unsound debt. 
Wealth Creation in the Market Economy and the State
In spite of the foregoing, it is important to stress that the market economy, even though it is extremely hampered, continues to create wealth. We once attended a presentation by Professor Hans-Hermann Hoppe, in which he discussed the 2008 crisis and its aftermath. There was one remark he made during the Q&A that struck us as especially pertinent to this discussion. He essentially said (we are paraphrasing from memory): “We can gauge how powerful the market economy's ability to create wealth is by considering that in most modern-day regulatory democracies, perhaps 30% of the population can be said to be involved in genuine wealth creation activities. In spite of the fact that the entire amount of wealth is created by this small minority, and that this minority is subjected to the most onerous regulations and taxes, it still manages to improve the well-being and standard of living of all of society over time.
Along similar lines, Mises stressed that although an artificial credit-induced boom leads to impoverishment, this does not mean that we should expect that we will necessarily be poorer overall at the end of a boom than at its beginning. This is so because even under the unhealthy conditions of a boom, genuine wealth creation continues. If that were not the case, the capitalist system wouldn't have been able to increase the world's stock of wealth continually ever since capitalist production processes have been adopted. However, it is also important to realize that all of this has happened in spite of the hampering of the market economy by taxation and regulations and the failed central economic planning by central banks.
Obviously though, there must be a limit to the depredations the economy can handle. Today, the State has created an environment in which most of the intellectuals who propagate political and economic ideas are essentially bought off, as the government can offer them levels of remuneration that are way beyond the value their services would command in a free market. Naturally they will tend to sotto voce engage in the vilest statist propaganda. Very few dare to bite the hand that feeds them, even if they are aware that they are promoting a harmful ideology. Presumably, quite a few of them even believe in what they are promoting. 
We can see this in many obvious contradictions, such as the fact that e.g. most economists today agree that the market economy represents the by far best system for creating wealth, but at the same time support fiat money and central economic planning by the central bank, deficit spending by the state, and all sorts of state interventions in the economy. This is an inconsistent position. Either the free market is the best system, or its opposite, full-blown socialism, is. It is simply absurd to claim that what we really need is just enough socialism so as not to kill off the market economy altogether.
We are happy to report though that the intellectual handmaidens of statism are finding it ever more difficult to propagate their memes due to the internet having opened up alternative channels of communication and information that are outside of establishment control. This has made it possible for many people to learn of ideas that have previously been suppressed. On the other hand it is clear that we are still very far from the tide having decisively turned.
In fact, because the State now finds itself under increasing financial and economic pressure, it reacts in a manner that it regards as the politically palatable 'solution' to the debt problem. This solution consists primarily of inflationary policy (see the chart of TMS-2 above for evidence), and various forms of 'financial repression'. Inflation mainly robs the poorest members of society, while financial repression, depending on what forms it takes, robs everyone. The alternatives, such as writing off the unsound debt that has accumulated or cutting unsustainable government spending, are policies that are regarded as highly detrimental to winning elections. The welfare state has created so many dependents and hangers-on, not least including a vast and powerful class of bureaucrats who represent a large block of votes, that no politician dares to veer off established lines too much. Hence financial repression is chosen as the 'lesser evil' from the point of view of the ruling classes (whose main aim it is to preserve their rule and privileges).
However, there is a big problem with this. As the above-mentioned Professor Hoppe e.g. remarks in “The Economics and Ethics of Private Property” with regard to taxation: 
“Thus, by coercively transferring valuable, not yet consumed assets from their producers (in the wider sense of the term including appropriators and contractors) to people who have not produced them, taxation reduces producers’ present income and their presently possible level of consumption. Moreover, it reduces the present incentive for future production of valuable assets and thereby also lowers future income and the future level of available consumption. Taxation is not just a punishment of consumption without any effect on productive efforts; it is also an assault on production as the only means of providing for and possibly increasing future income and consumption expenditure. By lowering the present value associated
with future-directed, value-productive efforts, taxation raises the effective rate of time preference, i.e., the rate of originary interest and, accordingly, leads to a shortening of the period of production and provision and so exerts an inexorable influence of pushing mankind into the direction of an existence of living from hand to mouth. Just increase taxation enough, and you will have mankind reduced to the level of barbaric animal beasts.” 
Hoppe also points out that regulations (which compel or prohibit exchanges between private parties), while they are just as economically harmful as taxation, don't increase the economic resources in the hands of the government. They merely satisfy the lust for power. He concludes that this is the main reason why in wars between industrialized Western States, the less regulated ones tended to win against the more regimented ones.
However, we would point out that even the US economy, which is still widely regarded as one of the less hampered and regulated Western economies, boasts the following statistics as of 2012 (Source: the Ten Thousand Commandments): 
• Total costs for Americans to comply with federal regulations reached $1.806 trillion in 2012. For the first time, this amounts to more than half of total federal spending. It is more than the GDPs of Canada or Mexico.
• This is the 20th anniversary of Ten Thousand Commandments. In the 20 years of publication, 81,883 final rules have been issued. That’s more than 3,500 per year or about nine per day.
• The Anti-Democracy Index – the ratio of regulations issued to laws passed by Congress and signed by the president – stood at 29 for 2012. That’s 127 new laws and 3,708 new rules – or a new rule every 2 ½ hours.
• Regulatory costs amount to $14,678 per family – 23 percent of the average household income of $63,685 and 30 percent of the expenditure budget of $49,705 and more than receipts from corporate and personal income taxes combined.
• Combined with $3.53 trillion in federal spending, Washington’s share of the economy now reaches 34.4 percent.
(emphasis added)
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The Fallacy of Overpopulation

The Fallacy Behind The Fallacy Of Global Warming
By Dr. Tim Ball
Global Warming was just one issue The Club of Rome (TCOR) targeted in its campaign to reduce world population. In 1993 the Club’s co-founder, Alexander King with Bertrand Schneider wrote The First Global Revolution stating,
“The common enemy of humanity is man. In searching for a new enemy to unite us, we came up with the idea that pollution, the threat of global warming, water shortages, famine and the like would fit the bill. All these dangers are caused by human intervention, and it is only through changed attitudes and behavior that they can be overcome. The real enemy then, is humanity itself.”
They believe all these problems are created by humans but exacerbated by a growing population using technology. “Changed attitudes and behavior” basically means what it has meant from the time Thomas Malthus raised the idea the world was overpopulated. He believed charity and laws to help the poor were a major cause of the problem and it was necessary to reduce population through rules and regulations. TCOR ideas all ended up in the political activities of the Rio 1992 conference organized by Maurice Strong (a TCOR member) under the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP).
The assumptions and objectives became the main structure of Agenda 21, the master plan for the 21st Century. The global warming threat was confronted at Rio through the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and creation of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). It was structured to predetermine scientific proof that human CO2 was one contribution of the “common enemy”.
The IPCC was very successful. Despite all the revelations about corrupted science and their failed predictions (projections) CO2 remains central to global attention about energy and environment. For example, several websites, many provided by government, list CO2 output levels for new and used cars. Automobile companies work to build cars with lower CO2 output and, if for no other reason than to appear green, use it in advertising. The automotive industry, which has the scientists to know better, collectively surrenders to eco-bullying about CO2. They are not alone. They get away with it because they pass on the unnecessary costs to a befuddled “trying to do the right thing” population.
TCOR applied Thomas Malthus’s claim of a race to exhaustion of food to all resources. Both Malthus and COR believe limiting population was mandatory. Darwin took a copy of Malthus’s Essay on Population with him and remarked on its influence on his evolutionary theory in his Beagle journal in September 1838. The seeds of distortion about overpopulation were sown in Darwin’s acceptance of Malthus’s claims.
Paul Johnson’s biography of Charles Darwin comments on the contradiction between Darwin’s scientific methods and his acceptance of their omission in Malthus.
Malthus’s aim was to discourage charity and reform the existing poor laws, which, he argued, encourage the destitute to breed and so aggravated the problem. That was not Darwin’s concern. What struck him was the contrast between geometrical progression (breeding) and arithmetical progression (food supplies). Not being a mathematician he did not check the reasoning and accuracy behind Malthus’s law… in fact, Malthus’s law was nonsense. He did not prove it. He stated it. What strikes one reading Malthus is the lack of hard evidence throughout. Why did this not strike Darwin? A mystery. Malthus’s only “proof” was the population expansion of the United States.
There was no point at which Malthus’s geometrical/arithmetical rule could be made to square with the known facts. And he had no reason whatsoever to extrapolate from the high American rates to give a doubling effect every 25 years everywhere and in perpetuity.
He swallowed Malthusianism because it fitted his emotional need, he did not apply the tests and deploy the skepticism that a scientist should. It was a rare lapse from the discipline of his profession. But it was an important one.
Darwin’s promotion of Malthus undoubtedly gave the ideas credibility they didn’t deserve. Since then the Malthusian claim has dominated science, social science and latterly environmentalism. Even now many who accept the falsity of global warming due to humans continue to believe overpopulation is a real problem.
Overpopulation was central in all TCOR’s activities. Three books were important to their message, Paul Ehrlich’s The Population Bomb (1968) and Ecoscience: Population, Resources and Environment (1977) co-authored with John Holdren, Obama’s Science Czar, and Meadows et al., Limits to Growth, published in 1972 that anticipated the IPCC approach of computer model predictions (projections). The latter wrote
If the present growth trends in world population, industrialization, pollution, food production, and resource depletion continue unchanged, the limits to growth on this planet will be reached sometime within the next one hundred years.
Here is what the TCOR web site says about the book.
They created a computing model which took into account the relations between various global developments and produced computer simulations for alternative scenarios. Part of the modelling were different amounts of possibly available resources, different levels of agricultural productivity, birth control or environmental protection.
They estimated the current amount of a resource, determined the rate of consumption, and added an expanding demand because of increasing industrialization and population growth to determine, with simple linear trend analysis, that the world was doomed.
Economist Julian Simon challenged TCOR and Ehrlich’s assumptions.
In response to Ehrlich’s published claim that “If I were a gambler, I would take even money that England will not exist in the year 2000″ – a proposition Simon regarded as too silly to bother with – Simon countered with “a public offer to stake US$10,000 … on my belief that the cost of non-government-controlled raw materials (including grain and oil) will not rise in the long run.”
Simon proposed,
You could name your own terms: select any raw material you wanted – copper, tin, whatever – and select any date in the future, “any date more than a year away,” and Simon would bet that the commodity’s price on that date would be lower than what it was at the time of the wager.
John Holdren selected the materials and the time. Simon won the bet.
Global warming used the idea that CO2 would increase to harmful levels because of increasing industrialization and expanding populations. The political manipulation of climate science was linked to development and population control in various ways. Here are comments from a PBS interview with Senator Tim Wirth in response to the question,“What was it in the late 80s, do you think, that made the issue [of global warming] take off?” He replied,
I think a number of things happened in the late 1980s. First of all, there were the [NASA scientist Jim] Hansen hearings [in 1988]. … We had introduced a major piece of legislation. Amazingly enough, it was an 18-part climate change bill; it had population in it, conservation, and it had nuclear in it. It had everything that we could think of that was related to climate change. … And so we had this set of hearings, and Jim Hansen was the star witness.
Wikipedia says about Wirth,
In the State Department, he worked with Vice President Al Gore on global environmental and population issues, supporting the administration’s views on global warming. A supporter of the proposed Kyoto Protocol Wirth announced the U.S.’s commitment to legally binding limits on greenhouse gas emissions.
Gore chaired the 1988 “Hansen” Senate Hearing and was central to the promotion of population as basic to all other problems. He led the US delegation to the September 1994International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo Egypt.
That conference emerged from Rio 1992 where they linked population to all other supposed problems.
Explicitly integrating population into economic and development strategies will both speed up the pace of sustainable development and poverty alleviation and contribute to the achievement of population objectives and an improved quality of life of the population.
This theme was central to Rio+20 held in June 2012 and designed to re-emphasize Rio 1992.
The Numbers
The world is not overpopulated. That fallacy is perpetuated in all environmental research, policy and planning including global warming and latterly climate change. So what are the facts about world population?
The US Census Bureau provides a running estimate of world population. It was 6,994,551,619 on February 15, 2012. On October 30, 2011 the UN claimed it passed 7 billion; the difference is 5,448,381. This is more than the population of 129 countries of the 242 listed by Wikipedia. It confirms most statistics are crude estimates, especially those of the UN who rely on individual member countries, yet no accurate census exists for any of them
Population density is a more meaningful measure. Most people are concentrated in coastal flood plains and deltas, which are about 5 percent of the land. Compare Canada, the second largest country in the world with approximately 35.3 million residents estimated in 2013with California where an estimated 37.3 million people lived in 2010. Some illustrate the insignificance of the density issue by putting everyone in a known region. For example, Texas at 7,438,152,268,800 square feet divided by the 2012 world population 6,994,551,619 yields 1063.4 square feet per person. Fitting all the people in an area is different from them being able to live there. Most of the world is unoccupied by humans

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